Արխիվային նշում. Այս տեքստը վերցված է Nomika Epilekta-ի հին արխիվից եւ խնամքով պահպանվում է պատմական ու տեղեկատվական ընթերցման համար։

After the latest rapid and dramatic developments, which proved in the most categorical way who our masters are, or, put differently, what sort of game they are playing, I feel the urgent need to return to our recent history and, through revealing texts, understand who our real master is and how much harm he has done to us. I am of course referring to the Germany of the iron lady Merkel, which fully controls the formation called the European Union. I deliberately do not quarrel with the grand Mr. Sarkozy, who merely completes the picture, not to say that he simply opens the door. Today's Germany, which wants to swallow us, has committed crimes against humanity and, when it was at the zenith of its National Socialist frenzy, destroyed our country and literally turned it into a holocaust, without paying even ONE euro in compensation. It is obvious that the Germans seek, and have a direct interest, to forget. We, however, MUST remember German fascism, so that it does not return, and must claim our rights without retreat. The resistance of the Greek people says everything... I cite a few publications so that we may remember the recent history of this land and realize how the Europe of Germany came about and, most importantly, how much democracy still remains in the once hopeful Union. Nazi atrocities in Greece The Foreign Ministry files on the massacres in more than 60 towns and villages during the Occupation: No one can disagree with the observation that, while crimes of hatred, hostile intransigence or ethnic cleansing continue, humanity cannot boast of its civilization. And, unfortunately, crimes of this kind continue to our own days - perhaps far from Europe, but they continue nonetheless. As the Ecumenical Patriarch Mr. Bartholomew very prudently and wisely notes in his latest book, "on this planet that God created for all of us, there is room for everyone," sounding the alarm about how far depravity can degrade human nature. The testimonies cited come from Foreign Ministry files marked "Nazi war criminals" and concern correspondence between the Greek representative at the United Nations and the Greek National War Crimes Office. In those Foreign Ministry files, crimes are recorded in more than 60 towns and villages of Greek territory, bringing the number of accused persons to more than one hundred. More specifically, the cases are listed by subfile (1946 / 1.3, section 1/1, 2, 3 and 4). 1. Boeotia Kopaida, Domvraina Vrastamites and Aliartos: The accused was the commander of the Kopaida Company, Otto or Orst Magers, for murders of civilians, looting, unprovoked destruction of private property and the execution of 50 hostages at Vrastamites. Kiousopoulos notes in his report no. 19 that Magers had settled in the area a few years before the war broke out as an agronomist, but it was proved that he was a secret Gestapo agent who immediately donned the Gestapo uniform and took over the management of the British Kopaida Company, selling a significant part of its property on the black market for his own benefit. Distomo: More than 1,000 dead, one of the best-known crimes against humanity. The village was razed. The accused were Air Marshal Helmuth Felmy and Colonel Frans. Also the notorious SS Major Rickert, Second Lieutenant Zabel and Sergeant Major Willy Yannis. The SS translator Johanna was an accomplice. Spercheiada: Massacre of 26 very elderly people who could not leave the town. Looting of houses and placement of mines that decimated those who returned to the village. Livadia: Hauptwann Hollmann, Lieutenants Bockl, Hilbig and Rode, SS Sergeant Major Willy Yannis and secretary Karl Paar were accused of murders of civilians, hostage-taking, looting and burning of houses. 2. Achaia Vrachneika, Kaminia, Theriano: Officers Langer and Schweitzer of the Jager Regiment were accused of executions of civilians . Kalavryta: The symbolic town where one of the greatest crimes against humanity was committed, with more than 700 dead: the entire male population except thirteen survivors. Sixty-five of the seventy houses were burned after everything valuable in them had been looted, including livestock. The accused were General Neubacher, military commander of Patras, Captain Grohman as liaison with the SS, Captain Dannhausen, Major Ehrenberger, Colonel Wolfinger, Second Lieutenants Jacobs Pless and Franke, Lang of unknown rank, and the civilian staff Bock, Koch, Borsdorf, Dohnert, Bruan and Muller. 3. Arcadia Tripoli: Officers Dauner and Starks of the 117th Jager Division were accused of executions of citizens. During the war Starks enriched himself by taking money on the pretext that he would save condemned people from death. Megalopoli: Captain Guntle was accused of murders of civilians in the town and in the nearby village of Gefyra. Major Donher Krombois was also accused of executions of civilians without trial. 4. Grevena: The SS man Diorner, based in Volos, was accused of executions of civilians and of burning houses in the town. 5. Veria: Kommandantur officers Diemre, Budde and Marxen were accused of executions of innocent citizens. 6. Argos: Major Gaspar, commander of the 117th Division, was accused of torture and executions as reprisals for an ambush against three German soldiers by local partisans. 7. Didymoteicho: Gestapo officers Kunle and Bose were accused of executing 12 civilians in reprisal for resistance activity by partisan groups. Bechan and Von Kruse of the Evros Military Command were accused of deporting 800 Jews from the town, who were exterminated in the crematoria. 8. Kyparissia (village of Terpsithea): Karl Dietrich of the 1008th Cavalry Battalion was accused of wiping out the whole family of N. Anagnostopoulos, from a seven-month-old infant to a bedridden elderly ancestor, in reprisal for local partisan resistance activity . 9. Edessa: Colonel Von Iberlein, military commander of the area, was accused of murders of civilians and looting of homes. A more serious indictment was also issued against Karl Hilzinger for murders of civilians , imprisonments and ethnological alteration of the population in cooperation with the notorious Bulgarian OHRANA. 10. Milos: Naval officer Hans Kawelmacher was accused of executions of innocents in reprisal for sabotage against Nazi oil depots after an Allied air attack sank a tanker. 11. Nafplia (villages of Merbakas, Dendra and Platani): The head of the guard, Pust, was accused of looting homes and executing citizens. 12. Corinthia: Major Von Mansdorf and Italian carabinieri sergeant Andrea Rossi were accused of executions, imprisonment and torture of civilians, the first in Xylokastro and the second in Kiato. 13. Skyros: Captain Giovanni Lamfre was accused of executions of citizens. 14. Samos: Italian officers Ungaro Mario, Cesare Troti and Antonio Lamberti were accused of executions of civilians in Kastania. 15. Corfu: Second Lieutenant Ernest Sloiter was accused of terrorist acts and executions of civilians and two Greek officers on the last day of the German withdrawal. 16. Chios: Kommandantur commander Wisbar or Wissmar was accused of torture to extract information from local fishermen and from the president of the Lithi Community. Eternal memory to you, brothers.... Anathema and curse upon the fascist beasts that civilized Germany raised, nurtured, protected and continues to protect. Great Germany resists tooth and nail the payment of compensation while seeking to place us again before the firing squad, as then, now for usurious loans, together with its lackeys and with the methods of a ruthless moneylender. Yes, Germany commands democratic (?) Europe and again seeks to subdue it, not with tanks but with interest rates and memoranda-tombstones. Now let us recall the economic holocaust of 1940-1944. Any resemblance to the present is accidental. OCCUPATION LOAN: An unknown truth By Tasos Minas Iliadakis A. THE LOAN Berlin, in order to serve its military and strategic objectives in the wider Greek region, Libya-Middle East-Balkans, forced Greece to finance and maintain the troops stationed there and operating across that wider area. Those troops were many times more numerous than the occupation troops. Greece also supplied food to the Libyan front. Their objective was the oil of Libya and the Middle East and the reinforcement of Balkan defense. From the Balkans Germany secured for its war industry 20% of antimony, 50% of mineral oils, 60% of bauxite and 100% of nickel. At the same time, for the Allies the only gateway to the Balkans was and remained Greece. Because of this, the German demand for high capitalization from Greece was rigid and provoked intense reactions even from the occupation government of Tsolakoglou, which threatened resignation. Mussolini and the German plenipotentiary for Greece, Gunther Altenburg, also pressed Berlin to reduce the occupation costs imposed on Greece. The problem of exceptionally heavy occupation expenses was accompanied by the looting of the land of every good thing, whose natural consequence was famine. Altenburg warned Berlin from the first days of the coming malnutrition. The Vatican representative, Nuncio A. Roncalli, later Pope John XXIII, found that deaths in Athens and Piraeus tripled because of the famine in the winter of 1941-1942, and Goebbels wrote in his diary that hunger in Greece had become an endemic disease and that people were dying by the thousands from exhaustion in the streets of Athens. The famine was worsened by London, which had placed Greece under food quarantine to push the Greek population toward resistance. Hunger, lawlessness and pro-British feelings became so threatening that the Germans could not ignore them. Thus the Occupation Powers faced two inflexible and conflicting demands: Greece's financing of Axis military operations in the wider region, and the hunger that led to uprising and resistance. To deal with the problem, the Occupation Powers sent economic technocrats to Greece in October 1941, without result. The issue then took acute form at the Italian-German Fiscal Conference of experts in Rome from January to March 1942. German insistence on high capitalization led to deadlock. The Italian banker and economic plenipotentiary in Greece, D'Agostini, proposed the solution of a loan: withdrawals beyond occupation expenses would be charged to Greece as a loan to Germany and Italy. B. THE LOAN The relevant loan agreement was signed on 14.03.1942 by Germany's and Italy's plenipotentiaries in Greece, Altenburg and Ghigi. Greece had not been invited and was not present. Altenburg announced it in Greece nine days later by verbal note 160/23.3.1942, and Ghigi by note No. 4/6406/461/23.3.1942. According to it: the Greek government had to pay 1.5 billion drachmas a month for occupation expenses; withdrawals from the Bank of Greece above that amount would be charged to Germany and Italy as an interest-free loan in drachmas from Greece; the loan would be returned later; and the agreement had retroactive effect from 1.1.1942. The contract was an agreement between Germany and Italy imposed on Greece as compulsory. The withdrawals would be monthly advances of unspecified amount and duration. Repayment time was not specified, but the loan was specified as interest-free and in drachmas. With confidential document 409/02.04.1942 the Greek finance minister ordered the Bank of Greece to comply. Three later amendments by common will transformed the initial compulsory contract into an ordinary contractual loan. The first amendment, on 02.12.1942, made the amounts adjustable and provided repayment from April 1943. Two installments were actually paid and then stopped, so the loan became interest-bearing because of default. It had therefore become a stable-currency, interest-bearing loan. According to the Bank of Greece, the amount without interest was 227,940,201 million dollars in 1944, and according to Altenburg 400 million post-occupation marks. With adjustments and interest it reaches several tens of billions of euros. Therefore the occupation loan is contractual, not compulsory; in stable currency; and from April 1943 interest-bearing. It is a contractual obligation of Germany to Greece and not a reparation, so it is not covered by the 1953 London Agreement suspending reparations and compensation. C. THE GREEK CLAIM FOR THE LOAN At the reparations conference of 1945, the Paris conference of 1946 and the conference of the Foreign Ministers of the four Great Powers in November 1947, Greece separated the occupation loan from reparations and demanded its return. Greece never ceased to claim it: in 1964 through Angelopoulos, in 1965 through A. Papandreou, in the Greek-German talks in Athens in 1966, again in 1974 through Zolotas, orally in 1991 through Foreign Minister A. Samaras, and by verbal note on 14.11.1995. Germany steadily rejects the claim, saying the loan is included in the London Agreement, that K. Karamanlis waived it, and that after 50 years such claims cannot be raised. These arguments show only a lack of arguments. After German unification in 1990, even the formal argument of Germany's division disappeared. It can be claimed politically and legally by the Greek government, the Bank of Greece, shareholders of the Bank above a threshold, or by the Greek people through their institutions. The Greek claim is strengthened by Yugoslavia and Poland, to which Nazi Germany imposed similar occupation loans and which West Germany later repaid in 1956 and 1971. Today's Germany must not forget that it borrowed from the Greek state in violation of article 49 of the 1909 Hague Convention, still in force; that Nazi Germany itself described that state as indestructible; that the Nazis never disputed the loan and even began repayment; and that Chancellor Erhard in 1964 promised repayment after German reunification. Germany must not forget that the German occupation is accountable for Greece's economic holocaust of 1940-44: inflation rose 15.3 million times and only Greece was forced by Germany to pay war compensation to Germany. Italians acknowledged it: Ghigi said Greece was squeezed like a lemon; Mussolini said the Germans took even the laces from Greek shoes; and German economy minister Funk wrote in June 1943 that Greece suffered the calamities of war like perhaps no other country in Europe. Reconstruction would require 33 times the national income of 1946, driving postwar Greece toward foreign borrowing. The refusal of unified democratic Germany after 1990 to return the loan brutally wounds the pro-German feelings of the Greek people, as Chancellor Kohl called them, and the responsibility belongs entirely to the German government. These few words about the occupation loan are confirmed by the next article, where the Germans THEMSELVES acknowledge it. They simply DO NOT WANT to pay because they like it that way. Die Welt: 70 billion euros is the debt from Greece's occupation loan to Germany. A recent article in the German newspaper Die Welt discussed the forced loan signed during the Second World War by the German and Italian occupation forces and the Greek government of the time. Its basic terms required the Bank of Greece to cover 1.5 billion drachmas each month for the occupation forces of Italy and Germany; any excess would be charged as a loan to the occupation powers. The article was titled: "Do we still owe the Greeks? - Open accounts from the Second World War toward Athens." The newspaper admits that the voices invoking the occupation loan and Germany's debt to Greece do not seem entirely unfounded and that the matter concerns billions of euros. It excludes reparations and compensation, following the established German position that compensation was given through agreements and in kind. Yet the forced occupation loan is the one aspect of the occupation exploitation of Greece that Germany never denied, only avoided discussing, with the tolerance of Greek governments. The issue concerns 476 million Reichsmarks. Analyst Sven Felix Kellerhoff accepts that, if the loan is not included in war reparations but treated as a normal loan, then Greece has a right to demand repayment. The obstacle is that if Germany pays about 70 billion euros today with 66 years of interest, it creates a legal precedent with unpredictable consequences. Thus, for the first time, a conservative German newspaper says, even indirectly, what PASOK governments did not manage to say: the forced occupation loan can be claimed. It is clear that the directorate of the European Union, under the "artistic direction" of the odious Ms. Merkel , wants the Greek people both wronged and beaten. The next article I selected speaks about our inquisitor-partners who, in a perfectly "democratic" way, want to suck out our marrow and turn us from an equal member (?) into their colony, using their "democratic convictions" as anesthetic and usurious loans, memoranda and medium-term operations as the scalpel. The repulsive face of the European Union "...The de facto principle has prevailed that 'law in the EU is whatever the one who lends to us wants.' This does not apply even to an ordinary citizen who borrows from a bank, much less to a state that is supposedly a member of a law-abiding democratic community of legally equal states. Even the ordinary citizen is protected from bank arbitrariness by laws and courts. Only moneylenders lend on whatever arbitrary terms they want, change them at any time and claim a right of life and death over the borrower. By what right do they threaten Greece with expulsion from the Eurozone when the treaties contain no such right and no expulsion procedure? Who are these dictators or petty dictators who coup-like abolish the treaties because they feel like it? Why does no one call them to order? Where do they find the audacity to threaten Greece with expulsion from the EU when the treaties provide no removal procedure? How does such a raw coup-like stance pass unnoticed by the servile Greek political system? Is this democratic Europe, which does not respect even its own founding treaties? The crisis has intensified the EU's anti-democratic features and led its leaders into arbitrary and totalitarian behavior. Since the Eurozone summit of 26-27 October approved the sixth loan tranche, by what democratic right did Olli Rehn, Jean-Claude Juncker or Wolfgang Schauble suspend it because they disliked George Papandreou's referendum? On what treaty basis do they say the tranche will not be given unless New Democracy signs or a national-unity government is formed? Have we gone completely mad? Only in the darkest years of post-civil-war American domination has Greece been in such subservience as today with the EU, and matters will become worse under the country-governance group led by the German "Gauleiter" Horst Reichenbach." GIORGOS DELASTIK - "ETHNOS" I watch, stunned and frightened, what is happening in our country and the world since the ruthless international gang of moneylenders - governments and private actors from the "northern suburbs of Europe" who turned other countries into shares for their ruinous gambling - targeted the southern suburbs and chose Greece as the experimental animal. As I understand it, the International of criminal capitalism carefully selects its target-victim and then assigns a disreputable rating agency to downgrade the indebted country. All countries have deficit balances, first of all the so-called metropolis of capitalism, the United States. The difference is that when they run short of cash they stage a fake quarrel and print dollars at the last minute. The failed rating house takes heavy money and says what it is told. Thus our country's creditworthiness was downgraded; the markets, the polite name for international usury, raised the borrowing rate; then insurance rose because of risk. The lender bank, Deutsche Bank, which financed Auschwitz, assigned its insurance subsidiary to insure the loan. Thus it collects higher interest and higher premiums, charged to the debtor country until the initial loan soars to impossible heights. Then repayment becomes impossible. The German bank profits many times. The markets, in truth moneylenders in top hats, hand in hand with willing Quisling collaborators, put the noose on the chosen victim and drag it to the slaughterhouse. We are already there and hear the knives. Soon the other little pigs will follow, PIGS from Portugal, Italy, Greece and Spain. Debt grows by usurious progression. The Greek statistical service, cooperating with our reckless lenders, shows even more debt so the vultures can wrap us not in paper but in a thousand-page memorandum-coffin. Our collaborationist prime minister, elected through fraud amounting to a felony, does not negotiate as he should; instead he strips himself as agreed. The seemingly democratic European Union undertakes the beheading. Delastik says it wonderfully. Today I read about research on the democratic deficit in the European Union. In this shop, the common market into which foreigners and our own people smuggled us through the back door, command is held by arrogant, cold and ruthless Germans who believe they belong to another race. When we see them, we remember Distomo and Kalavryta, where they displayed their Aryan and savage murderous nature. We have reached the brains of usury. Who are the Germans who slaughtered us and then mocked us shamelessly for years? Let us begin with the atrocities of the NAZIS, who, as far as I know, were not Australians but full Germans. They believed in Hitler, the paranoid butcher of humanity, chose him and liked him: "GERMANIA UBER ALLES." I have read that Hitler could have flourished in no country except Germany. Everyone knew the heinous crimes and covered them up, as Angela today covers life-sentence Nazis. The economically powerful Germany that has grown rich at our expense, as the West has grown rich at the expense of the Third World, should look long in a mirror and then: 1. Do its DUTY and send delegations throughout Greece, to the places of sacrifice, to lay wreaths and statements of repentance for the victims of its criminal atrocity, especially the pregnant women, children and old people. 2. Do its DUTY and compensate its victims in full. ALL Germans should finally assume responsibility and not hide behind procedural curtains that conceal the goose step for which we paid and still pay dearly. 3. Do its DUTY and repay the occupation loan that led thousands of Greeks to death by hunger, something it is trying today by equally criminal and insidious economic means. It should remember Mussolini's words about the laces taken from our shoes, Goebbels's words about hunger as an endemic disease, and Mr. Iliadakis's article. 4. Do ITS DUTY and sit with us, the relatives of the unjustly lost, and tell us with hand on heart, if there is one, how much our real debt is and who increased it. If we are insolvent, why did they lend to us? Did they seek their own interest and set their sights on our sunny, airy corner plot?

  • Has Germany lost from Greece or gained from it, and how much? Does it need shipyards? Does it want to sell us a frigate without commission?
  • When Germany's pride, Siemens, "greases palms," does it commit an offense or not?

These points show who is plotting harm against the country. As for our own responsibilities, I recognize that they are enormous; much has been written, most of it in NOMIKA EPILEKTA, and I largely agree, with the reservation that the fish rots from the head. But I cannot tolerate European colonialists and our German butchers giving lessons in democracy and consistency as if they were beyond reproach. On the contrary, they have abolished every notion of democracy and civilization and intend to swallow us because we are a small fish.

Հայերեն տարբերակը պահպանում է սկզբնական արխիվային հոդվածի ամբողջ կառուցվածքը՝ ճգնաժամի եւ գերմանական ազդեցության մասին մուտքը, Boeotia, Achaia, Arcadia եւ այլ վայրերում նացիստական հանցագործությունների ցանկը, պարտադիր օկուպացիոն վարկի բաժինը, Die Welt-ի դիրքորոշման ներկայացումը, Giorgos Delastik-ի մեջբերումը Եվրոպական միության մասին եւ հեղինակի վերջնական պահանջները հիշողության, փոխհատուցման, վարկի վերադարձի եւ պատասխանատվության վերաբերյալ։